China Restaurant ; Foodservice Review

Enterprise Improvement Corporate Turnaround and Restructuring Financial Advisory Services Information Management Services AlixPartners 2010 China Restaurant & Foodservice Review May 2010  © AlixPartners, LLP, 2010 www. alixpartners. com Contents A. Executive Summary B. Industry Environment C. Financial Performance – Profiles of Selected Restaurants D. 2010 China Consumer Survey Results E. Opportunities for Restaurant Chains F. Conclusions 2 2010 Restaurant & Foodservice Review Executive Summary (1) Market Trends Industry Structure The Chinese restaurant industry has grown by about 11% in 2009 to about 2 trillion RMB. Growth was down from 16% in 2008. ?However, despite annual growth rates of 13% since 2003, the Chinese restaurant industry by 2009 has reached only about half the size of the US restaurant industry, as dining out expenditure per capita in China is less than 10% the expenditure of US people. ? Chinese consumers remain substantially more conservative in terms of d ining out than US consumers: while in the US, people nearly spend half their food expenditure in restaurants, Chinese people only spend 22% in restaurants. The number of restaurants in China is vastly higher than in the US (5. 1 vs. 0. 9 million restaurants) and the industry is significantly more fragmented. Whereas the Top 100 restaurant chains in the US have a 45% overall market share, China’s Top 100 only has a 6% market share in 2009 (down from 9% in 2003). ?Western restaurants remain at a very low level in China, and have a market share of only about 1% in 2009. Apart from KFC, McDonald’s and Pizza Hut, no major US restaurant chain has achieved a major presence in China. Although the leading Chinese restaurant chains have minor market shares as the industry is highly competitive, profitability levels of leading chains were around 10-12% in terms of EBIT margins in 2009 and in line with average US fast-food chains in 2009. ? Given the solid profitability levels and strong future growth potential for Chinese restaurant chains, it is a highly attractive industry for M&A deals and we are likely to see further private equity investments as well as takeovers by leading chains. 3 2010 Restaurant & Foodservice Review Executive Summary (2)Per capita expenditure on dining out will continue to increase at double digit growth rate in 2010. Consumers anticipate spending about 10% more in restaurants than they did in 2009. This is in stark contrast to US where people expect to spend 4% less in 2010. ? To remain competitive, operators must serve high quality food and market themselves more on an individual basis to consumers. Similar to in U. S. , food quality is the most important factor when Chinese consumers determine overall value. Other top factors are price and service ?Chain restaurants are increasingly popular in China. 50% of consumers prefer chains over independent restaurants, while another 35% are indifferent. This indicates a major growth pote ntial for chains, which currently only have a 7% overall market share in China. ? Western restaurants have enormous growth potential. On average, Chinese consumers plan to eat 40% of their meals in Western style restaurants in 2010. This is a substantial contrast to the 1% market share of Western owned restaurants in 2009. Consumer Survey Results Opportunities Consumers preferring Western restaurants cite cleaner environment, better atmosphere and better service as key differences to Chinese style locations. ? Western restaurant chains have substantial opportunities in the Chinese market, but will have to develop tailored concepts to the market.Developing a brand position and good quality reputation will be critical for Western chains in the highly fragmented and competitive market. Especially in the casual dining sector, which has multiple major players in the US, there are major opportunities for new entrants into the Chinese market. Established leading Chinese restaurant chains w ill likely continue to expand and achieve strong margins, as scale results in significant advantages in purchasing, operational effectiveness and marketing. However, it will be critical to implement professional systems to support growth. 4 Contents A. Executive Summary B. Industry Environment C. Financial Performance – Profiles of Selected Restaurants D. 2010 China Consumer Survey Results E. Opportunities for Restaurant Chains F. Conclusions 5China’s Foodservice Industry Has Been Expanding At 13% CAGR in 2003-2009, But Remains At Nearly Half The US Market Size China foodservice industry revenue 2003-2009E [bn RMB] 0. 17 0. 16 0. 14 YOY 0. 13 growth 0. 12 0. 11 0. 1 0. 09 0. 08 0. 15 16% 14% 13% 11% 14% 11% 3,860 956 1,090 1,232 1,365 1,556 1,800 2,000 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 E US 2009 By contrast, US Restaurant Industry has shrunk for the last 2 years in revenue Source: China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 6China’s Per Capita Dining Out Inc reased To About 980 RMB Per Year In 2009, Which Is Less Than 10% Of US Per Capita Dining Out China per capita dining out expenditure [RMB per capita per year] 0. 24 0. 22 22% YOY 0. 18 0. 16 growth 0. 14 0. 12 0. 1 0. 08 0. 2 14% 14% 10% 15% 12% 10,100 438 533 607 691 761 878 980 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 E US 2009 Per Capital Dining Out Is Driven By Growing Disposable Income Per Capita (Per Capita Dining Out Has Been Around 6% Of Disposable Income 2004-2009) Source: China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 7Chinese People Eat Out Only About 1/3 As Frequent As US People In 2009, As Dining Out Represents 21% Of Total Food Expenditure Average Number Of Times Dining Out 2009 Dining Out As % Of Total Food Expenditure, China vs. USA 204 48% 184 130 22% 72 18% China HK Taiwan USA China 2003 China 2009 E USA 2009 Source: China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 8 The Chinese Restaurant Industry Remains Highly Fragmented, With More Than 5. 1 Mio. Outlets And Average Rev enues Of 0. 4 Mio. RMB No. Of Restaurants [Mio. Outlets] Average Revenue Per Outlet [‘000 RMB] 4,091 5. 1 3. 0. 9 308 377 China 2003 China 2009 E USA 2009 China 2003 China 2009 E USA 2009 Source: Euromonitor, China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 9 The Top 100 Chinese Restaurants Have A Market Share Of Only 6% in 2009, Compared To 45% In The USA China restaurant revenue, Top 100 vs. Others [% of Industry Total] Top100 9% 6% 45% †¢ Western style restaurants only account for 1% of the Chinese restaurant industry in 2009 †¢ Fast food restaurants account for about 23% of the market in China, compared to about 29% in USA Others 91% 94% 55% China 2003 China 2009 USA 2009Source: China Statistics Bureau, National Restaurant Association 2010 Industry Forecast, AlixPartners analysis 10 Quick Service And Hotpot Restaurants Account For 2/3 Of The Top 100 Restaurants’ Revenues In China Number of companies Revenue % Revenue per company [bn RMB] Comments †¢ Fas t food segment is expanding in China rapidly due to services & quality standardization and relatively low price level †¢ Key players include YUM brands, McDonald’s, Dicos, etc. †¢ Hot Pot restaurants are popular in China, esp. in central and north regions †¢ Key players include Little Sheep, Xiao Wei Yang, Dezhuang, etc.Quick Service Restaurants (QSR) 20 31% 1. 8 HotPot 23 34% 1. 7 Full-Service Casual Dining 17 11% 0. 8 †¢ Casual dining is pointing to a growth trend among young professionals who are seeking places for social activities †¢ Specialty / fine dinning mainly include famous Chinese brands and large restaurant groups, and western fine restaurants Specialty / Fine Dining 40 24% 0. 7 †¢ Western fine restaurants are growing fast but focused on coastal cities Source: China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 11 Chain Restaurants Still Account For Small Share In Chinese Market, But HaveBeen Consistently Gaining Market Share China restau rant revenue, Top 100 vs. Others [% of Industry Total] Chained 8% Chain restaurants Independents †¢ Chain restaurants have grown at a faster rate than independent restaurants, driven by advantages in – Advertising / brand building – Cost and quality control – Operational efficiency Independents 92% 19% 15% 12% 20% 16% 22% 18% 23% †¢ In Hong Kong, chained restaurants account for 28% of total market size by revenue †¢ Going forward, chain restaurants are likely to rapidly win market share 2001-06 CAGR 06 vs. 07 Growth 08 vs. 07 Growth 09 vs. 08 GrowthSource: Euromonitor, China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 12 Contents A. Executive Summary B. Industry Environment C. Financial Performance – Profiles of Selected Restaurants D. 2010 China Consumer Survey Results E. Opportunities for Restaurant Chains F. Conclusions 13 Three Western Restaurant Brands Are Currently Among The Top 10 (KFC, McDonalds and Pizza Hut) No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Brand KFC McDonald’s Dicos Little Sheep Xiao Wei Yang Pizza Hut UBC Cafe Xiaotiane Company Yum! Brands Inc. McDonald's Corp Ting Hsin International Group Little Sheep Group Limited Inner Mongolia Xiao Wei Yang Yum!Brands Inc. UBC Coffee food Co Ltd Chongqing Xiaotiane Catering Type QSR QSR QSR Hot Pot QSR Casual Dining QSR QSR Market share 1. 2% 0. 5% 0. 3% 0. 2% 0. 2% 0. 2% 0. 2% 0. 1% # of Stores ;gt;2,000 ;gt;1,000 ;gt;1,000 ;gt; 400 ca. 600 ca. 300 ca. 500 ca. 300 9 10 Xiao Tu Dou Malan Lamian Shenyang Xiao Tu Dou Malan Lamian Fast Food QSR QSR 0. 1% 0. 1% ca. 300 ca. 300 Source: Euromonitor, China Statistics Bureau, AlixPartners analysis 14 Major Chinese Restaurant Chains On Average Outperform US Restaurants In EBIT Margins, And Are In Line With US QSR EBIT margin comparison 2009 E Chinese Chains 5. 2% 11. 6% 9. 6% 7. 3% 11. 9% 17. 0% 11. 2% 10. 1% 6. 2% Fairwood Quan Ju De Little Sheep Cafe De Coral Beijing Xian Ge Qing Ajisen US Average Asia F;B USA QSR Peers Source: IQ Cap ital, Annual reports, AlixPartners analysis 15 Leading Chinese Restaurant Chains Remain Small Players Compared To US Peers, But With Significantly Different Growth Perspectives Leading Chinese Chains Company Dafe de Coral Ajisen Little Sheep Fairwood China Quanjude Beijing Xiangeqing HK Catering Management Leading US Chains Growth 2009 9. 1% 18. 7% 23. 5% 2. 2% 8. 3% 20. 6% -7. 2% Revenue 2009 [Mio. RMB] ,674 1,986 1,570 1,466 1,204 738 328 Company McDonald’s Yum! Starbucks Darden Brinker OSI Jack in the Box Burger King Wendy’s Arby’s Cracker Barrel Revenue 2009 [Mio. RMB] 162,112 76,287 70,989 48,407 27,926 Growth 2009 -3. 3% -4. 1% -5. 9% 8. 9% -14. 5% NA -2. 7% 3. 4% -2. 2% -0. 7% 27,816 17,363 17,277 16,691 Xinjiang Bai Hua Cun 64 62. 8% 16,254 †¢ Major US chains with limited growth potential in mature home market †¢ Chinese restaurants with major growth potential (both organic growth and through takeovers) Source: Euromonitor, China Statistics Bur eau, AlixPartners analysis 16Solid EBIT Margin and Growth Potential Are Main Reasons For M;A Activity and PE Investments – Increase In Investments Expected Chained Restaurant # of restaurants in 2009 422 Investment size [m US$] N/A Key M;A and PE investments †¢ Yum Brands bought 20% equity in 2009 †¢ The combined YUM! ; Little Sheep will be the largest and most diversified restaurant company in China, providing both Western and Chinese style restaurants with brands including KFC, Pizza Hut, East Dawning and Little Sheep †¢ Nov. 2005, a group of investors including IDGVC invested $ 14 million †¢ GGV and first round investors invested $10. million in 2007 †¢ In 2008, Oaktree and existing investors, invested $23 million †¢ In 2007, Capital Today and Liandong invested $43 million 70 14 11 23 300+ 43 98 40+ 50 43 †¢ Nov. 2008, Actis invested USD 50 million †¢ Dec. 2008, CDH invested $43 million With solid EBIT margins and strong growth oppor tunities, private equity investments and takeovers by leading restaurant chains are likely to increase Source: Published data, AlixPartners analysis 17 For Example, Little Sheep Restaurant Chain – A Success Story Company Overview Little Sheep is the leading full-service restaurant chain operator in China. It’s ranked #4 in all restaurant companies in China and #1 in local companies †¢ The company focuses on operating hot pot chain restaurants as well as developing, processing and selling food product including lamb and hot pot soup †¢ Little Sheep’s revenue rose from RMB 513 millions in 2005 to 1,272 millions in 2008, growing at 35% CAGR †¢ It has 422 restaurants in total by mid 2009: 146 companyowned and 276 franchised restaurants RMB Millions Revenue CAGR †¢ 05-08: 35% †¢ 08-14E: 31%Revenue Growth ; Breakout Success Factor †¢ Standardization facilitates expansion into China: The standard products in hot pot restaurant cuisine requ ire minimal kitchen preparation and enable easier quality control †¢ Its focus on quality creates a strong brand. In particular, it is known for high-quality lamb †¢ Focuses on consumer segment of 20-40 year olds and invests heavily in advertising and its royalty program †¢ Shifted from sole franchising model to a mixed franchising ; owned model in 2002, facilitating geographic expansion Franchised vs. Owned Business Model Company-owned model helps Little Sheep enhance its operational efficiency by better executing its branding and marketing strategy, optimizing menus and facilitating the launching of new products†¢ Franchised restaurants model obviates the need for the company to raise capital and run the day-to-day business, thus very effective or the company to penetrate lower-tier cities Source: Annual report, Yuanta Research report, AlixPartners analysis 18 Contents A. Executive Summary B. Industry Environment C. Financial Performance – Profiles of Se lected Restaurants D. 010 China Consumer Survey Results E. Opportunities for Restaurant Chains F. Conclusions 19 AlixPartners 2010 China Consumer Survey: Overview Date: March 2010 Population: 1,030 adults, 13 major cities in China, age 18+ (average age 25) Demographics: Respondent group was representative of the Chinese population across key demographics and income ranges Survey Focus: Key areas of focus included: ? Planned frequency of dining occasions ? Expected spending on meals outside the home ? Preferred type of restaurants ? Key criteria for consumer preference in restaurant selectionUS Survey: In March 2010, AlixPartners also conduced a similar study in the USA, also covering a survey population of 1,000 adults  © AlixPartners, LLP, 2009 20 In China, Average Spent Per Meal Is Expected To Increase By 10% In 2010 – By Contrast US Diners Expect to Pay 4% Less Expected average spending per meal [RMB] CHINA USA -4% 82. 6 +10% 79. 2 48. 8 53. 7 Last 12 Months Next 12 Mont hs Last 12 Months Next 12 Months 21 Over The Next 12 Months, Nearly 46% Expect To Spend More Money in Restaurants in China, While Consumers in USA Remain Cautious Planned consumer spending, 2010 CHINA USA 51% 46% 41% 5% 39% 34% 13% 16% 15% Spend less Spend same Q1-2010 Spend more Spend less Spend same Q1-2009 Spend more Q1-2010 22 Fine Dining and Fast Casual Will Benefit Most From Dining Frequency Increase In China – Fast Food and Fast Casual Most Impacted in USA Dining frequency per month and restaurant type CHINA +9% USA S 2009: 13. 7 S 2010: 15. 1 6. 4 -20% S 2009: 13. 8 S 2010: 11. 8 5. 1 6. 2 5. 7 +13% 4. 4 3. 9 +7% -17% 2. 9 3. 1 +17% 2. 9 2. 4 2. 9 2. 8 1. 6 1. 5 1. 2 1. 4 Fast Food Fast Casual LTM Freq/Month Casual Fine Dining Fast Food Fast Casual LTM Freq/Month Casual Fine Dining 2010 Expected 2010 Expected 23Biggest Drivers to Increasing Frequency At Favorite Locations Are: (1) Better Quality, (2) Closer Location, and (3) Improved Service Better food quality Closer location Improved service Better atmosphere Healthier menu options 26% 37% 36% 35% 25% 22% 17% 15% 15% 13% 12% 10% 8% 7% 5% 4% 3% More or better promotions, discounts, or†¦ Better value Family friendly environment Expanded menu variety Bigger portion sizes Shorten time to get in and out Offer take out service Other, specify Expanded dessert and/or beverage options Make information available on the internet Accommodate special dietary needs Smaller portion sizesWhat would cause you to eat out more often at the restaurant(s) you visit most frequently? 24 In Determining Overall VALUE, Chinese Consumers Are Far Less Focused On Price ; Promotions Than American Diners Food quality Overall service Low prices Healthy menu options Good promotions, discounts, or coupons Updated environment ; decor Big portion sizes Value meals Amenities and atmosphere Range of dessert and/or beverage options 9% 6% 5% 9% 28% 27% 31% 24% 22% 19% 23% 44% 47% 42% 60% 59% 75% 6% China U. S. 16% 34% As a cons umer, what factors are most important to you in defining OVERALL VALUE for your dollar? 5 In China, Word-of-mouth Is The Strongest Form Of Advertising For Restaurants Word of mouth Street walk-by Internet Flier, coupon, booklet, etc. Self experience TV Magazine Newspaper 17% 16% 5% 28% 25% 37% 36% 71% 34% emails 26 50% of Survey Respondents in China Prefer Chain Restaurants 50% 35% 15% Yes No No difference Do you prefer a chain store over independent restaurants? 27 Majority of China’s Consumers Prefer Chinese Style Dining, But Western Style is Very Popular Among Survey Respondents Total Sample – Fast Food Next 12 months,Western style Next 12 months,Chinese styleTotal Sample – Fast Casual Next 12 months,Western style Next 12 months,Chinese style 40% 60% 61% 39% Total Sample – Casual Next 12 months,Western style Next 12 months,Chinese style Total Sample – Fine Dining Next 12 months,Western style Next 12 months,Chinese style 15% 34% 66% 85% Approxima tely 40% of Consumers in China Plan to Eat at Western Style Restaurants; Penetration of Western Chains Most Prominent in Fast Food 28 Those Preferring Western Restaurants Cite the Cleaner Environment and Better Atmosphere Key Differences to Chinese Style Locations Clean or better environment 52%Better atmosphere (music, decor, etc. ) 46% Better services 40% Try something different 31% Better taste of food 29% Cultural attraction 26% Healthier menu options 19% Dessert and/or beverage options 16% What do you like about Western restaurants compared with Chinese restaurants? 29 Contents A. Executive Summary B. Industry Environment C. Financial Performance – Profiles of Selected Restaurants D. 2010 China Consumer Survey Results E. Opportunities for Restaurant Chains F. Conclusions 30 Operational Improvement Levers For Major Restaurant Chains Winning strategies in operations improvement Centralized purchasing to implement professional process Purchasing †¢ Negotiations sweeps coupled with strategic sourcing†¢ Logistics optimization and commodity risk analysis †¢ Centralized operations and facilities management, and IT Operational Effectiveness †¢ Lean Kitchen/Operations including emphasis on food waste % †¢ R;D Process Improvement †¢ Develop clear brand position and tailored advertising strategies Marketing †¢ Implement effective LTOs with input from supply chain partners †¢ Encourage first time visits and push customer loyalty †¢ Partnering effectively with ocal owners who know the market Expansion †¢ Implement rigorous store selection process, with clear criteria †¢ Increase no. of stores to build brand awareness Restaurant chains have substantial scale advantages in operations! 31 Opportunities For Western Restaurant Chains in China, Which So Far Have Been Hesitating To Invest on a Large Scale Leading US casual dining chains and their current China presence US Chain Brand Applebee’s Outback Stea khouse # of stores Globally 2,000 900 880 780 # of stores in China 0 100 0 30 RemarksOpened a restaurant in Shanghai in 2007, but has since left the country Operates two restaurants in Beijing and around five in HK; market leader in Korea Opened in Philippines in 2007, but has not expanded into other Asian countries Entered China in 1995 and has four restaurants in Beijing, but only one each in Shanghai, Tianjin and HK Highly successful chain, but no operations outside North America (same for sister company Red Lobster, both part of Darden’s) One restaurant in Shanghai and two in HK Ruby Tuesday TGI Friday Olive Garden 700 Tony Roma’s 0 0 260 3

Black Hawk Down Essay

The name Black Hawk Down used as the title of this book in our context originated from the helicopter (UH-60 Black Hawk) used during the raid in Mogadishu. This raid is said to be one of the most combative war Americans have ever engaged in from that of Vietnam. The mission took place in October 1993 when helicopters dropped American solders in the heart of Mogadishu with aim of abducting top lieutenants of Somalia Warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid. This was under leadership of Thomas Matthews who was deployed in Mogadishu, he lead Task force Ranger. This war was referred to as Operative Gothic serpent although it was later referred to as Battle of Mogadishu by international opposed media to this battle. â€Å"The most significant combat action took place on October 3, when Task Force Ranger captured six of Aideed’s [sic] lieutenants and several militiamen in a daylight raid. During withdrawal operations, the Somalis shot down two UH-60 helicopters and U. S. forces remaining on the ground came under heavy fire as they attempted to carry out rescue operations and consolidate their positions† (Spiller, para 4). This episode translated to intense fire fight which saw about 300 Somali nationals killed and others seriously injured. On the side of Ranger several were killed and others wounded before intervention of Pakistan and Malaysia intervened hence withdrawal of the forces. The story on modern war by Mark Bowden, a report with the Philadelphia inquire tries to analyze battle of Mogadishu which started with attempts of the American solder to capture aides to Aidid. The operation strayed with Delta force personnel through help of US army Rangers entered Mogadishu through helicopters to start the operation. This entry surprised Somali who were not were not aware of this mission. This called for rehearsal for using grenade and was successfully able to bring chopper down hence there capability in fighting new enemies invading their soil. The shooting of Back hawk helicopters through use of grenade formed a battle field where the American fought frantically to ensure they salvage there comrades. In his book Bowden tries to give a narrative of this war through reconstruction of the materials he was able to get through intensive interviews to the participants of this war. In his story he divert from the notion military history which always portrays glory of war without disclosing episode of horror which always engulf these kind of wars. Black hawk down story is literally distinctive in its style and this can be attributed to the fact that Bowden is a journalist but not a historian and writes his description of the combat as a tale, relatively like a fiction story. This book is set to represent the actual event and happening of the battle of Mogadishu. Bowden accomplished this through widespread research, consultations with accomplices from the two sides of the conflicts; this is also done through help of footage recorded by aerial observation aircraft at the fight as well as from recordings of the radio traffic from the clash. This book represent a parable of leadership which was unable to control the discipline of military personnel giving a picture of failure of the so perceived as strongest army in world. This is because military was unable to contain undisciplined militia putting the most powerful military in a precarious circumstances. The author demonstrates a situation of overconfidence since American military from the word go never expected the situation can in any way go against them. On the side of Rangers and delta forces soldiers in Mogadishu battle has elaborated as failure. The leadership controlling the war to command daylight raid has been describe as failure in military point of view. This raid on the side of America army cannot boost of victory since the only achievement attained was only seizing and imprisoning Somali clan officials who part of the mission of the war. In return to this achievement, a body of dead American member of Ranger squad being drugged in the street watering small achievement realized before the massacre. Mogadishu Massacre was motivated by the silencing of Somali warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid who was wrongly perceived to have Hitler like trait, and was said to be responsible for thousands of brutal killings. There was information that this warlord ruled Mogadishu and hijacked UN food shipment acting in aid of war causalities. Aidid was also accuse of waiting the US Marine withdrawal and declaring war on U. N. forces ensnaring and killing of Pakistan peacekeepers. This is the incident which translated to sending of Ranger on mission to dismantle advancement of Aidid and ensure restoration of order within Mogadishu and its environs. This was meant to stop Aidid force from disruption of Red Cross distribution centre and killing of innocent civilians. Aidid was a powerful leader of Habr Gidr a large clan with political control within Mogadishu which controlled past as well as present political activities in this region. â€Å"The Habr Gidr were the militarily more powerful of two main groups contending for control of Mogadishu. If the U. S. had killed Aidid, citizens of the Habr Gidr areas wouldn’t generally have felt liberated, like Afghans freed from the Taliban† (Kaus, 2002 para 6). This book highlights phases of US and UN activities in Somalia. Firstly there was humanitarian phase where unite nations use military for to ease deliveries of food with aim of controlling deaths which could have emanated from starvation. This initiative was carried beyond from provision of food to the nation building mission in Somalia by UN. National building can be termed as the second phase with ambitions of restoration of entire country. From the ambitious mission of rebuilding entire Somali country Aidid claimed of UN official being against his and his clan of the said links with the former Somali dictator Siad Barre who was Aidid rival. From these suspicions intimidation of nation building started from the Aidid and his clan making effort to be at risk. National building needed very conducive peaceful environment from all clans and when Aidid intimidation started meant sinking of the national building efforts. Conference to forge for peace were staged but what followed after that was lack of peace deal and Aidid stepped up mission of detaining there rival something viewed by UN as intention to intimidate the peace talk. Attempt to marginalize Aidid politically by UN followed something viewed as a wrong approach to someone who had a backing of entire clan behind him. This is because to realize peace in this situation a better approach could have been employed to ensure existing military structure and power are dismantled or contained. This was followed by attempt of UN tying to shut down Aidid radio which was popular in propagating anti-UN propaganda a fact which made Aidid to see UN being against him. This is the issue which translated to the Mogadishu war from the attempt of UN tying to kill Habr Gidr clan member. After this was the incident of Black hawk down and translated to killings of innocent civilian an army leadership which has been greatly blamed for failed victory. â€Å"Crisis leadership came the hard way for U. S. Army Colonel Thomas Matthews, who led the Task Force Ranger mission in Mogadishu, Somalia in 1993† (Lagace, para 1). The situation in Mogadishu Massacre called for life or death decisions which were to be guided by Thomas leadership. This is the leadership which has been condemned for failed success in the ranger mission. The decision made by Thomas on this day resulted to crisis witnessed in this episode making a good lesson for our leadership decision especially in the army forces where decision with dire consequence are made. Work Cited: Kaus, Mickey: What Black Hawk Down Leaves Out, 2002. Retrieved on 20th September 2008 from; http://www. slate. com/? id=2060941 Lagace, Martha: â€Å"Black Hawk Down†: Leading in Crisis, (2003). Retrieved on 20th September 2008 from: http://hbswk. hbs. edu/archive/3430. html Spiller, Ronald L. : Film Review: Black Hawk Down, (nd). Retrieved on 20th September 2008 from; http://www. smh-hq. org/gazette/features/blackhawkdown. html.

Cellphones Play Important Roles in Communication

Nowadays, there is no one who was not use a gadget like cell phones from old communication likes post mail to high technology that make the communication simple, fast and affordable. wherever people may go and whoever they want to talk. Cell phone make it easier to keep in touch to our family and friends. Communication is the most basic element of the society. And with the technology today people are able to communicate effectively and easily in just a click. Cellphones play important roles in communication nowadays. Not only in calling, people today also uses cellphones in communicating in social media. And it’s been a habit of people to use cellphones to interact in social media by sharing their thoughts, knowledge, opinions, and experiences. Like emergency situations, in case like forgot your keys at home, got injury and also improve knowledge could use phone to internet and learn somethingfrom it. In miss understanding in class, could use it to email your teacher as soon as possible and call classmate for help. And on events around the world, today all phones have new apps. With cellphones came the most useful invention, which was internet. The internet is a great tool as it allows anyone to find information on any of the imaginable topic in seconds. The internet allows to purchase or sell any product anywhere around the world. Social networking is even possible with the help of it people can interact with one another and can create new bonds. There are different kind of people in the world including shy, anti social and various others. Cellphones have many features, which allow shy people to interact with someone on internet without hesitation and increase their confidence. But there are certain factors that contribute and affect a person who is using a cellphone regularly and more often.

Detailed research on the history of Jesus Christ and Christianity Essay

Detailed research on the history of Jesus Christ and Christianity - Essay Example Josephus mentions Jesus the Messiah in the book. Furthermore Eusebius, an early Christian Bishop, recorded the words of Josephus in 324 A.D. Josephus said that Jesus was an extraordinary and wise man (if he can be called a man). Many of the Jews and Greeks trusted him. He was condemned to the cross, but his disciples followed him and believed in his message. Due to his hardships, his tribe of Christians is present to this day. (Argubright, 2007) The religion started about 2000 years ago in present day Israel previously known as Judea. Jesus Christ and his group of disciples began preaching amid much controversy and hostility. The ruler at that time was a Roman and Judea was cross cultural centre of bustling cities and farms. Majority of the locals who were Jewish found the polytheistic beliefs of Rome intrusive and pagan. (All About Religion, 2008) According to Gospel accounts Jesus was born to a virgin Jewess Mary who conceived him by the miracle of the Holy Spirit. Luke the evangelist says that Mary and her husband Joseph were traveling from Nazareth to Bethlehem to avoid registering (the Roman emperor had ordered a census of the population) the birth of Jesus in Jerusalem. The birth took place in a stable due to unavailability of vacancy in the inn and after the birth, an angel informed three local shepherds about it. Mathew however takes a much more troubled story. According to him, three Magi of the East follow a star to Bethlehem and on their way, inform Herod (the King of Palestine) that they are on their way to see the newly born king of the Jews. Herod orders the massacre of all the male children under the age of two for fear of rivalry. Fortunately an angel informs Joseph who escapes with Mary to Egypt. After the death of Herod, another angel tells Joseph that it's safe to return. The census was held in 6 BC. and Her od died in 4BC. Thus it is concluded that Jesus was born around 6BC. (Gascoigne, 2008) Early Life: Regarding the early life of Christ the gospels are virtually silent. However, facts gathered from various source indicate that Jesus was from a small town called Nazareth where he trained as a carpenter. He spoke Aramaic but he also knew Greek since he used it to talk with the Roman Officials during his time of having the government. Jesus was a Jew and he practiced the Jewish faith. He was also well aware of Jewish laws. The only other fact reported in the Gospel after the birth of Christ is that one day, the 12 year old Jesus wanders away from his parents to a religious temple. Upon return, when Mary scolds him, he asks, 'Didn't you know I would be in my Father's house' (Religion Facts, 2007) The Ministry of Jesus: Jesus is mentioned again in the gospel at the age of 30. It begins by the Baptism of Christ by John the Baptist. This event marks the beginning of Jesus's ministry. Several of John's followers left to follow Jesus after the Baptism. He then proceeded to select several other disciples establishing a group of 12. (Religion Facts, 2007) To all those who listened, Jesus taught to learn their enemies, not to judge others, not to be anxious about the future, trust in God. Jesus Christ often taught with parables, a short story with a spiritual meaning. Some were easy while others hard to understand. Mathew chapter 13 has several parables. One

Companies should avoid working with charities, because donation from Essay

Companies should avoid working with charities, because donation from products are forcing people do donate - Essay Example â€Å"Some charities do better than others. Some receive 70% or 80% of each dollar raised. But many fall into the dismal category, receiving as little as 33% of each dollar raised† (Fritz, para.4). Companies should not work with charities, as donation through product selling is actually forcing people to donate when they have better ideas where to donate their money. Pink Ribbon Inc. is an internationally operating charity organization, registered in New York. The aim of this organization is to create a global community that supports breast cancer patients. To introduce it from its own website: The Pink Ribbon Foundation Charity Number 1080839 is a grant making trust with a mission to fund projects and provide financial support to UK charities which relieve the needs of people who are suffering from, or who have been affected by breast cancer or who work to advance the understanding of breast cancer, its early detection and treatment (Pink Ribbon Foundation). There are many wa ys to donate in this charity supported by Pink Ribbon. You can email or call, participate in person at their workplace, or purchase Pink products to participate in the donation. However, the point that is to be discussed here is whether or not it is worth going to Pink Ribbon to buy its products for donation. We already know that consumers are very easily convinced, as they are very sentimental, especially about sensitive issues like breast cancer. Eberlein (para.1) writes in her article that if price and quality of two products are equal, then it is very likely that consumers go for that product which is supported by a sensitive cause. The for-profit organizations selling these products send a portion of the purchase price to the non-profit charity organizations, which use this money for research purposes and other health related causes. Same is the case with Pink Ribbon. Companies share the profit with the non-profit organization supporting the cause of breast cancer elimination. However, the consumers never know what portion of their spent money is going to the cause for research purposes, and how much the company is keeping to itself. It is very important for the consumers to know whether the charity raising campaigns are making the donations useful enough or, being specific, significant enough in amount to support the research purposes. First of all, a product with a pink ribbon on it never guarantees that it is the same company that is supporting the charity. Just viewing a pink ribbon and buying the product will not serve the purpose. It is important to see the name of the company and the charity tie-in in the packaging of the pink product. Even if it is there, the consumer is unaware of the process that follows after he has paid. We may also assume that the consumer is being forced to pay for donations through being manipulated to pay for sensitive causes. That is, companies lure consumers to pay because they are soft-hearted. The consumer must be awar e of the portion that is going to the charity. If the company is sending just a few bucks to the charity, it is not necessary to experience that added feel-good bonus when you can buy the same product somewhere else with the same price. Pinkwashing is also very crucial. This is the term used for the ability of assessing whether the pink ribbon labeled on a product that one is buying is linked to something that is dangerous for health. Kentucky Fried Chicken used pink buckets to support the breast cancer programs, but proved to be a bad choice because

Teaching Creativity in British Schools Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Teaching Creativity in British Schools - Essay Example Creative Partnerships brings creative professionals into schools to help educators teach creative skills that those professionals believe are valuable in the workplace (Creative Partnerships 2010). In this way, Creative Partnerships hopes to produce students with a passion for learning who are also likely to be hired by companies after graduation (Princewaterhouse Coopers LLP 2010). On the surface, Creative Partnerships seems like an excellent plan. Encouraging children to meet with artists and other creative practitioners from the workplace would encourage them to study harder and explore their skills to find out in which ways they could succeed too. However, as this report shows, such surface feelings cannot and should not always be taken at face value. Deeper research has dug up a surprising number of flaws and inconsistencies within the Creative Partnerships programme that warrant further investigation. Creative Partnerships was formed in 2002 as a result of the governmental repo rt â€Å"All our Futures†, which was published in 1999 by the National Advisory Committee on Creative and Cultural Educations (Creative Partnerships 2010). ... Instead, the authors argue for education that exposes students to creative thinking, which they believe would build a capacity for original thought and translate into life skills for the students. One point of this report which is the cornerstone of the resulting Creative Partnerships project is the idea that creativity is not innate, but can in fact be taught (National Advisory Committee on Creative and Cultural Education 1999). However, despite their desire to include creativity in the workplace outside of simply exposing students to visual or performance art, this area of the programme has been found to be decidedly lacking (House of Commons Education and Skills Committee 2007). Creative Partnerships is fond of repeating that their programme will bring about economic benefit. Primarily, they cite an â€Å"independent research paper† that found an economic benefit of ?15.30 for every ?1.00 invested in the programme (Creative Partnerships 2010; Princewaterhouse Coopers LLP 20 10). However, it is important to note that while Princewaterhouse Coopers is an independent business entity, the study was paid for by Creativity, Culture and Education, which is the governmental agency responsible for overseeing the Creative Partnerships programme. When statements such as â€Å"this flagship creative learning programme fosters long-term partnerships between schools and creative professionals to inspire, open minds and harness the potential of creative learning† are used to describe the supposedly separate organisation, heavy doubt is cast on the impartiality of the report (Princewaterhouse Coopers LLP 2010, p6). Creative Partnerships is not the only creativity or arts programme recently introduced to the English educational curriculum (Jones & Thomson 2008). However, these

World War I Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

World War I - Research Paper Example However, suffice it to say that within this particular author’s understanding, the First World War was fought under the most horrific conditions imaginable. Ultimately, the reason that so many different countries became embroiled in this conflict had to do with the alliance structure that existed within Europe time. Ironically, the structure of the alliance system was engaged as a means of preserving the peace; allowing lesser powers to ally with great powers as a means of ensuring that conflict would not break out. However, as was seen, the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Bosnia-Herzegovina ignited the so-called â€Å"tinderbox† of the Balkans; dragging in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Russia, France, Germany, the United States, and a litany of other actors. Sadly, the horrors of the first world war are not constrained to the years 1914 through 1918. Instead, many scholars and authors have argued that the repercussions of the First World War did not truly conclud e until 1945. This is due to the fact that the peace accords for the First World War and the Treaty upper side created a situation in which a resurgent Germany would attempt to shake itself from the shackles of financial hardship and national disgrace that the treaty of Versailles had affected upon

Reflect and evaluate Brand Starbucks marketing principles Essay

Reflect and evaluate Brand Starbucks marketing principles - Essay Example Brands absorb everything around them like Imelda Marcos in the shoe department at Nordstrom† (quoted in Kalin, 2001). By this definition, customer service and the quality of the products are actually considered part of the brand. Strong brands help companies establish a place within the international and local marketplace (Aaker, 1996). They also help the company develop a strong consumer base through brand recognition. However, brands don't become strong without offering quality products and excellent customer service. This is because brands only become strong when they have a high number of loyal consumers. Loyal consumers are made by giving them products that they enjoy and appreciate and taking care of customers when they have complaints or problems. According to Childers, satisfied customers exponentially increase in number, resulting in greater profitability for the company (2005). To see how this works, it's helpful to apply these ideas to a company like Starbucks. Starb ucks is a well-known coffee company that specializes in serving ready-to-drink single-serve coffee and other drinks to a mostly middle and upper class clientele. This company now has a very strong brand which it has gained by focusing on quality products and excellent customer service. ... Each customer was treated as a regular, whether they were or not, with their name written on their cup and plenty of customization of their order available. Now that the company has cultivated a very strong consumer base, it relies more and more on its strong brand to continue driving growth. As part of this brand, it offers customized menus for each region based upon local and national favorites. All of these different menus are brought together under the one brand identified by a simple and universal logo. Even if the menu isn't the same as the menu back home, travelers to new places can feel at home as soon as they walk into a Starbucks store because of that logo and a relatively similar approach to decor. Examining this company and assuming I have correctly identified the marketing principles it considers to be most important, I believe Starbucks is doing a good job of following these principles. Having a strong global brand is important to success in the commercial world today, but Starbucks has not forgotten that it developed that brand by offering quality products and excellent customer service. It proves this by maintaining a focus on what the local market enjoys and expects. â€Å"Experience has shown that companies need not always create one-size-fits-all global brands just because the world appears to be shrinking. Indeed, firms should recognize that adapting brands to local conditions will on many occasions be the best approach, and at times the only approach, because local conditions will leave them no other choice† (Managing Brands, 2005). By adapting their brand to local conditions but insisting that everything sold in the similarly decorated coffee houses carries the

Short Story fiction Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Short Story fiction - Essay Example After leaving Red Sammy’s place, Grandmother throws a tantrum in order to be taken to a plantation nearby that she had known long ago. Bailey agrees to divert into the way in which his mother shows him. The grandmother realizes she has lost all recollection of the plantation. They drive back when they fail to trace the plantation. Grandmother’s cat jumps out of its box and lands on Bailey’s shoulder. Bailey loses control of the car and off the road. The car flips and plunges into a ditch. Just then, another car approaches them, and three men climb out. These men are The Misfit, Hiram, and Bobby Lee. The grandmother recognizes the Misfit, and he is unhappy with the fact that somebody recognizes him (Kilcourse 73). Grandmother tries to flatter the Misfit, but as it turns out, he is the hard-to-please kind. He orders Bobby Lee and Hiram to take John Wesley and Bailey into the forest. A moment later, Bobby Lee and Hiram shoots and kills them in cold blood. Grandmothe r fears for her life and she resorts to her Christian faith for the hope to live through the moment. The Misfit puts on Bailey’s shirt that Bobby Lee and Hiram have brought to him after killing Wesley and Bailey. Grandmother pleads with the Misfit not to kill her and advises him to pray to Jesus. In a matter of seconds, the Misfit shoots the grandmother thrice in the chest. Hiram and Bobby Lee come back from killing The Mother, June Star and the baby. The Misfit remarks that there is no pleasure in life (Kirk 39). Analysis of A Good Man is Hard to Find The title of the book, A Good Man is Hard to Find, points to Red Sammy Butts in the moment he conversed with grandmother while at The Tower. Mistrust of others is a theme that is consistently evident in O’connor’s book. In their conversation, Red Sammy Butts and grandmother confirm this. They reckon that it is hard to trust anybody in the world. Red Sammy recounts how he allowed two men to take gas on credit, and he laments ever having to be good to people (Robillard 52). Grandmother believes that there is not even a single soul on earth that can be trusted. This contradicts the Christian faith to which the grandmother is a strong believer. In this book, O’connor presents the reader with two clashing moral codes. Both grandmother and the Misfit have beliefs and perceptions that guide their conduct. A moral code is a collectivity of people’s behaviors, and beliefs thought of as reasonable and acceptable. The rightness of a person’s moral code is subjective. At a glance though, one would not help but notice how the Misfit’s code is erroneous. Grandmother’s code is also contradictory and unconvincing (Hardy 48). It is clear that grandmother’s moral code derives from what she thinks is good. For example, she emphasizes the importance of looking like a lady, depicting that she is more interested in appearance than in substance. She subtly deceives Bailey and the whole family without remorse. Despite her claim of Christian piety, she cannot even remember to pray when in a crisis. She even dares to question the divinity and power of Jesus. On the other hand, the misfit is consistent and apt in following his moral code. The Misfit believes that punishment is always bigger than the wrong done, and in the end, the wrong done does not receive the emphasis it deserves. It is clear that religion baffles the Misfit. Whilst the grandmother took faith blindly

American History Women's Rights Reform Movements from 1877 to 2013 Research Paper

American History Women's Rights Reform Movements from 1877 to 2013 - Research Paper Example The paper therefore seeks to find a stand on whether Women Reform Movements have realized much of their goals over the years. This struggle in pursuit of rights has been turbulent over the years and still continues to date. In the United States, women rights movements have had a long history. As a result of their struggles, various legislative measures have been created over the years to safeguard the rights of women and prevent much of the discriminations seen in a society that is still skeptical about the ability of women. The core of the argument is therefore the determination of how the period spanning between 1877 to present could have seen tremendous positive steps towards the realization of equality with respect to men and women1. The suffrage movements were some of the most dominant women movements in history. For many years in the United States, women were not allowed to vote. In the early years of the women reform movements, the right to vote was therefore one of the centra l issues which the movements fought for. In 1878, Susan B. Anthony proposed and submitted a right-to-vote amendment to the constitution in order to grant women the right to vote in America. The era of women suffrage took much activity in the 1890s and Wyoming was the first state to have an organized women suffrage. The movement was mostly driven by the formation of the National American Women’s Suffrage association in 1890. ... The Anthony amendment which had been written earlier in 1878 was subsequently ratified as the 19th amendment and thereby became law in 19202. It must be emphasized that differences in leadership and other misunderstandings amongst the women led to the formation of several groups. The period following 1920 saw the creation of many splitter women political groups most of which fought for the same rights. The League of Women Voters was created in 1920 and became a very strong voice in championing for the rights of women. In order to address the rights of black women who experienced the worst discrimination than their white counterparts, the National Council of Negro Women was formed in 1935. These groups strongly fought for various forms of liberal reforms in the country. However, it should be remembered that many of the rights they fought for were not always granted easily. For instance, the National Women’s Party which was formed in 1913 proposed an equal rights amendment in 19 23 which actually stayed dormant for the next 50 years3. In the early years of the women rights movement, most of the women activists were concentrated in the North. This was due to the much awareness, industry and education in the North. It was not until 1890s that women began to organize in the south after much inspiration and influence from what was transpiring in the north. In pushing for the right to vote, the National Women Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) were working together but later separated on ideological grounds. While NWSA sought to transform the status of women on the basis of ideological foundations in the hitherto patriarchal society, AWSA was more conservative and

White Privilege Essay Example for Free

White Privilege Essay In the aftermath of the election victory of Barack Obama, white supremacists rushed to online discussion forums to vent anger and disbelief that voters had chosen an African-American candidate as the next president of the United States. The Anti-Defamation League, which monitors and exposes extremist activity and rhetoric, said anger among white supremacists and other right-wing extremists in response to Obamas victory, resulted in an avalanche of vitriolic ranting postings on racist Web sites. At one point, the chatter so overloaded the server of the most popular white supremacist internet forum, Stormfront, which was temporarily shutdown. The notion that racism is a violation of human rights is not a new one, as those who have experienced it effects would testify. The ground-breaking progress gained by the civil rights movement of the 1960s in the United States has steadily eroded over the past decade, and the issues and incidents of racism as well as anti-Semitism, homophobia, and violence against women are ones that need to be addressed with increasing urgency. While the courts are more and more frequently relying on civil rights laws to prosecute racially motivated violence, the common abuses of basic human rights are often overlooked. In fact, the encroachment of white supremacist ideologies into the social fabric of our politics, our institutions, and our laws means that intolerance 1. is becoming the rule of the day, and the overt violation of the persons and property of individuals and groups is not only easily accepted, but part of the status quo. America has moved into a new era of white supremacy. The new tactics used by white supremacists and far right organizations must be exposed so that we can work together to mitigate their effectiveness. This includes a discussion of the relationship between three converging and ever-growing factionsthe ultra-conservatives, religious fundamentalists, and the far right. In this context, racism cannot stand alone as the sole antagonist of human rights violations. The victims of white supremacist ideologies and politics include immigrants, gays and lesbians, Jews, and women, as well as people of color. From the ranks of homophobes, anti-abortionists, racists, anti-Semites, and those who are simply afraid of a fast-changing world, white supremacists find willing allies in their struggle to control Americas destiny. Hate groups cannot be dismissed as a more complex than the virulence of a few fringe fanatics. With the breathless way the media covers hate groups, it is sometimes easier to characterize them simply as misfits or extremists, rather than acknowledge them as part of the larger problem of widespread racism, anti-Semitism, and homophobia. FBI statistics report that 65 percent of Americas hate crimes are committed by whites against blacks. A good portion of such hate crimes are what we call move-in violence, when neighborhoods, schools, churches, or jobs are finally integrated 2. 30 years after the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Terror over the visibility of the lesbian and gay movement lays behind the numerous hate crimes against gays and lesbians (and their allies) the fastest-growing hate crime category in the country. Some of the haters, living on the United States borders, are petrified at the thought that brown hordes of Mexicans, Chinese, or Haitians may swarm over them if they cease their militant rhetoric and violence toward these immigrants. If they live near Native American reservations, the aim of their violence is to challenge the few remaining treaty rights granted native peoples. Other white supremacists want to save the white race by controlling the behavior of white womenthey attack interracial couples, lesbians, and feminists. They join the anti-abortion movement, believing they can prevent white women from getting legal abortions. Racist far right organizations have been quick to glorify anti-abortion violence, making it yet another hot issue to fuel the fires of the white revolution. Hate groups have decided that they are no longer willing to wait for the white revolution, the violent backlash against human rights movements. They want a fast solution before, as they put it, the white race is extinct. These fanatics are terrorists who use bombs, murder, arson, and assaults in their genocidal war. Some skinheadsfor example, the Fourth Reich Skins arrested a few years ago in Los Angeles or the Aryan National Front, convicted of murdering homeless people in Alabama are in the vanguard of this street-level violence. Meanwhile, older survivalists like Randy Weaver, who was acquitted of killing a federal marshall in an Idaho firefight in 1992, 3.are barricaded in mountain shelters with stockpiles of weapons, awaiting the final Armageddon. Impressionable, often alienated people, both young and old, are natural recruits for this movement. They bring new energy and a willingness to display their hatred aggressively. They also expand the influence of the white supremacist movement, into the anti-abortion movement, into the anti-gay movement, into the English only movement, opening new avenues for the expression of hate. In the 21st century, the image of organized hate is rapidly changing. It is no longer the exclusive domain of white men over 30. It is becoming younger, meaner and more violent. Many people join the movement as teenagers, including a remarkable number of young women. This new and dangerous increase accounts for nearly one-third of the membership of some hate groups. The increase in the number of women, coupled with a strategic thrust to reform the public image of hate groups, has expanded womens leadership. These new recruits do not fit the stereotypical image of wives on their husbands arms. In fact, many of them are college-educated, very sophisticated, and display skills usually found among the rarest of intellectuals in the movement. Of particular concern in this early 21st century is a continuing convergence of sections of the white supremacist movement with the radical Christian Right, as represented by Pat Robertson, and nationalist ultra-conservatives, as represented by the crackpot Tea Party members and conservative Republicans such as Rick Santorum. This alliance is between religious determinists who think that ones degree of Christianity determines one’s future, economic determinists who see themselves in a 4.war of the haves against the have-nots, and biological determinists for whom race is everything. All believe they are in battle to save Western civilization (white Europeans) from the ungodly and the unfit (people of color, gays and lesbians, and Jews). What many Americans fail to realize is that, increasingly, white people are being literally scared out of their wits by demagogues, who crystallize for them their fears of people of color, lesbians and gays, the government, the media, welfare mothers, immigrants, the economy, health care, and the list goes on. The fact that race relations in the United States are usually presented as a black/white model disguises the complexity of color, the brutality of class, and the importance of religion and sexual identity in the construction and practice of white supremacy. This simplistic model, which fails to convey many of the important aspects of white supremacy, cannot specifically explain how white supremacy influences American culture and politics. White supremacy is an ideology that manipulates US politics and affects all relations in American society. It is sustained by rigid ideological categories. The construction of racial categories, although varying greatly over time, has always been based on the economic, social, and political aspirations of people of European descent. Throughout European history, racial definitions have been based on lineage, characteristics, skin hue, and religion. At the present time, there are not safe places for the victims of this type of violence to turn. No homeless shelters, no womens shelters, and often not even 5.police departments offer them support. The first step in building these resources is to recognize the magnitude of the problem so that human rights activists can come together to offer help and support to those outside the majority rule. A concerted, prolonged effort to teach young people about the true impact of white supremacy and its prevalence in American society is fundamental to breaking the cycle. To ignore this issue is to build intolerance into the next generation. An understanding of the historical and institutional effects of racism and the other isms that dominate our culture and society is vital to understanding present bigotry and abuse. In conclusion, when we recognize that racism, homophobia, sexism, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia flow from the same spring, and that they permeate every aspect of the lives of all Americans, we can then take steps together to make the United States a place that respects and honors the dignity of all people. 6. A Childs Tale By Gloria A. Loftin Let me tell you a tale my child of blue and grey of a world gone wild Let me tell you a tale my child of men in hoods and capes of hearts full of rage and hate Let me tell you a tale my child of men of god of greed and wealth Let me tell you a tale my child of peace and hope for all the world Let me tell you a tale my childÃ'Ž

Tsunami and Physical Protection Measures Essay Example for Free

Tsunami and Physical Protection Measures Essay What is tsunami? A tsunami (plural: tsunamis or tsunami; from Japanese: æ ´ ¥Ã¦ ³ ¢, lit. harbor wave;[1] English pronunciation: /suË Ã‹Ë†nÉ‘Ë mi/ soo-nah-mee or/tsuË Ã‹Ë†nÉ‘Ë mi/ tsoo-nah-mee[2]) is a series of water waves caused by the displacement of a large volume of a body of water, typically an ocean or a large lake. Earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and other underwater explosions (including detonations of underwater nuclear devices), landslides, glacier calving, meteorite impacts and other disturbances above or below water all have the potential to generate a tsunami. [3] Tsunami waves do not resemble normal sea waves, because their wavelength is far longer. Rather than appearing as a breaking wave, a tsunami may instead initially resemble a rapidly rising tide, and for this reason they are often referred to as tidal waves. Tsunamis generally consist of a series of waves with periods ranging from minutes to hours, arriving in a so-called wave train.[4] Wave heights of tens of meters can be generated by large events. Although the impact of tsunamis is limited to coastal areas, their destructive power can be enormous and they can affect entire ocean basins; the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami was among the deadliest natural disasters in human history with over 230,000 people killed in 14 countries bordering the Indian Ocean. The Greek historian Thucydides suggested in 426 BC that tsunamis were related to submarine earthquakes,[5][6] but the understanding of a tsunamis nature remained slim until the 20th century and much remains unknown. Major areas of current research include trying to determine why some large earthquakes do not generate tsunamis while other smaller ones do; trying to accurately forecast the passage of tsunamis across the oceans; and also to forecast how tsunami waves would interact with specific shorelines. Etymology (Literary meaning) Tsunamis are sometimes referred to as tidal waves. In recent years, this term has fallen out of favor, especially in the scientific community, because tsunamis actually have nothing to do with tides. The once-popular term derives from their most common appearance, which is that of an extraordinarily high tidal bore. Tsunami and tides both produce waves of water that move inland, but in the case of tsunami the inland movement of water is much greater and lasts for a longer period, giving the impression of an incredibly high tide. Although the meanings of tidal include resembling[8] or having the form or character of[9] the tides, and the term tsunami is no more accurate because tsunami are not limited to harbours, use of the term tidal waves discouraged by geologists and oceanographers. History Main article: Historic tsunami As early as 426 BC the Greek historian Thucydides inquired in his book History of the Peloponnesian War about the causes of tsunami, and was the first to argue that ocean earthquakes must be the cause.[5][6] The cause, in my opinion, of this phenomenon must be sought in the earthquake. At the point where its shock has been the most violent the sea is driven back, and suddenly recoiling with redoubled force, causes the inundation. Without an earthquake I do not see how such an accident could happen.[14] The Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus (Res Gestae 26.10.15-19) described the typical sequence of a tsunami, including an incipient earthquake, the sudden retreat of the sea and a following gigantic wave, after the 365 AD tsunami devastated Alexandria.[15][16] While Japan may have the longest recorded history of tsunamis, the sheer destruction caused by the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami event mark it as the most devastating of its kind in modern times, killing around 230,0 00 people. The Sumatran region is not unused to tsunamis either, with earthquakes of varying magnitudes regularly occurring off the coast of the island.[17] Generation mechanisms The principal generation mechanism (or cause) of a tsunami is the displacement of a substantial volume of water or perturbation of the sea.[18] This displacement of water is usually attributed to either earthquakes, landslides, volcanic eruptions, glacier calvings or more rarely by meteorites and nuclear tests.[19][20] The waves formed in this way are then sustained by gravity. Tides do not play any part in the generation of tsunamis. Tsunami generated by seismicity Tsunami can be generated when the sea floor abruptly deforms and vertically displaces the overlying water. Tectonic earthquakes are a particular kind of earthquake that are associated with the Earths crustal deformation; when these earthquakes occur beneath the sea, the water above the deformed area is displaced from its equilibrium position.[21] More specifically, a tsunami can be generated when thrust faults associated with convergent or destructive plate boundaries move abruptly, resulting in water displacement, owing to the vertical component of movement involved. Movement on normal faults will also cause displacement of the seabed, but the size of the largest of such events is normally too small to give rise to a significant tsunami. The energy released produces tsunami waves. Tsunamis have a small amplitude (wave height) offshore, and a very long wavelength (often hundreds of kilometers long, whereas normal ocean waves have a wavelength of only 30 or 40 metres),[22] which is why they generally pass unnoticed at sea, forming only a slight swell usually about 300 millimetres (12 in) above the normal sea surface. They grow in height when they reach shallower water, in a wave shoaling process described below. A tsunami can occur in any tidal state and even at low tide can still inundate coastal areas. Tsunami generated by landslides In the 1950s, it was discovered that larger tsunamis than had previously been believed possible could be caused by giant landslides. Underwater landslides that generate tsunamis are calledsciorrucks.[23] These phenomena rapidly displace large water volumes, as energy from falling debris or expansion transfers to the water at a rate faster than the water can absorb. Their existence was confirmed in 1958, when a giant landslide in Lituya Bay, Alaska, caused the highest wave ever recorded, which had a height of 524 metres (over 1700 feet). The wave didnt travel far, as it struck land almost immediately. Two people fishing in the bay were killed, but another boat amazingly managed to ride the wave. Scientists named these waves megatsunami. Scientists discovered that extremely large landslides from volcanic island collapses can generate megatsunamis that can cross oceans. Meteotsunamis Some meteorological conditions, such as deep depressions that cause tropical cyclones, can generate a storm surge, called a meteotsunami, which can raise tides several metres above normal levels. The displacement comes from low atmospheric pressure within the centre of the depression. As these storm surges reach shore, they may resemble (though are not) tsunamis, inundating vast areas of land.[24]

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants